Video Transcript / Subtitles:( AI generated. About AI subtitles » )

* AI ("Artificial Intelligence") subtitles on Tagalog.com are generated using "Whisper" by OpenAI (the same company that created ChatGPT and DallE2). Results and accuracy may vary.
* The subtitles do include errors occasionally and should only be used as a tool to help with your listening practice.
* You can request this website to create a transcript for a video if one doesn't already exist by clicking the "Request AI Subtitles" button below a video. Transcribing usually takes 30-40% of the length of a video to complete if there are no other videos in the queue. For example, a 21 minute video will take 7-8 minutes to transcribe.
* Running a super fast cloud GPU server to do these transcriptions does cost money. If you have the desire and financial ability, consider becoming a patron to support these video transcriptions, and the other tools and apps built by Tagalog.com

Okay. This is it. Let's talk about this. Medyo may init-inito. So, recently, tinanong si Congressman Franz Castro, who I actually interviewed here. And I'll slightly disagree with both of you gentlemen because I actually interviewed both Teddy Casino, not Teddy Locsin, but Teddy Casino and Franz Castro and asked them question point blank about their alliance with Duterte and them supporting Duterte and the circumstances of that.

And they made kind of a pragmatic argument. Now, recently, she was asked, kamusta yung relationship niyo with essentially the leadership of the Congress from Maldes? And she said something like, mas sweet sila ngayon, right? So, you know what I'm saying? And, you know, Franz Castro is very soft-spoken. Yung parang guro talaga na mabait. And the way, opo, mas sweet sila ngayon. I mean, the way she said it, it's like, this is perfect, right?

So, Ronald, you were actually the first one to kind of point out that, you know, there is an understanding, to put it nicely, between the Maccabayan bloc, perhaps, and Romaldes' as they jointly squeeze out Dutertes out of Duterte-Arroyo, whatever faction axis is there, right? Ronald, can you tell me a little bit about that? First of all, paano man nalaman yan sa Marites ba yan? Or you're just looking at the tea leaves, right? What's going on there?

Kulob na bab.

Tingko pareho. Yan, sabi ko na.

Kulob na bab, no?

Marites for sure.

Kulob na bab. Dahil nakikita mo naman eh, alimbawa, yung mga information na nakuha nila, na ginamit nila Kesarra, na totoo naman, no? At dapat naman talagang gamitin, no? Mahirap makuha yan ng minority. Mas lalong mahirap makuha yan ng minority within the minority, no?

So, ibig sabihin, either napakalalim ng kanilang koneksyon sa gobyerno, ng kanilang mga listening posts,

or may tumutulong, no?

Ikalawa, yung conduct

ng mga hearings, pwede naman silang

barahin ng majority, eh. Pwede silang

pigilan, eh. Pero hindi sila

pinipigilan. So, at least may tacit

approval. Na sa akin,

okay. Na sa akin, okay.

No? Kaya,

lalo na nung panahon na

hindi pa masyadong pwedeng dumantad

yung speaker as

the antagonist or protagonist

or whatever, no? Ni Sara.

Yung role nila,

ay very important

during that moment. Ngayon kasi,

the lines are drawn, eh.

So, lantad na si

Tambaluslos, eh.

Pero before,

no? Nung hindi pa nakalantad,

ay sila yung

gumagawa ng ganong klaseng role, no?

Ngayon, iba na yung role nila.

Sila yung nagsasampan ng kaso

kay Duterte, no?

Dito sa

grave threat. At ang grave threat,

minimum of six years,

yan. Six to ten years, yan.

Kung sakali, no? At

mukhang may movement, eh. Dahil

yung prosecutor

ay tenable ka agad.

In-schedule ka agad yung hearing, no?

Ang bilis. Usually, matagal yan, eh.

Matagal yan, no?

So, from my vantage

point, mukhang

yung

pagiging teflon ni

Duterte ay tapos na. So, talagang

tatamaan na siya rito.

At the same time, meron lumabas na balita about

impeachment ni Sara,

no? Tinanong din si

si Congressman Franz Castro

diyan. Kayo ba yung magpa-file

ng impeachment, no? Ganon-ganon.

Sabi niya, ah, hindi, yung

yung ibang kasama namin.

Ibang kasama namin. Ibig sabihin,

meron silang alam. Meron silang alam

dito. At sinabi rin

ni Maharlika yan, doon sa kanyang

yung kanyang post today,

na kinausap ni BBM,

ang kongreso.

Let me just pause you.

You just cited Maharlika, so that's

one of your sources of money.

Yeah.

Talagang

authority na si Maharlika.

Wala.

Ito si Ronald, kaya ako nanonood

ng SMNI. Kaya ako nanonood ng

SMNI, dahil kay Ronald. Dahil sabi niya,

kung gusto mo ma-decode ang DTS,

kailangan mo nanonood ng SMNI.

Basic how to.

O yun naman,

ang homework natin kay Ronald ay

mag-Maharlika.

Diyan naman, Ronald, ang hirap

ang homework mo eh.

Panawarin nyo si Banat Bay.

Panawarin nyo si Sasot.

Sama mo na si Malutikia.

Uy, uy. Ronald, si

Sasot daw, nakatira na sa

Beijing ngayon. Narinig ko sa isang interview,

sabi niya, based in Beijing na daw siya.

Baka magsi-CGTN na siya.

Parang si ano?

Parang yung spokesperson ni

si Andanar.

Sa Beijing na.

Post na siya sa CGTN. Malapit na to.

Baka sila yung

John the Baptist.

Paving the way for someone greater than them.

Nasusunod sa Beijing.

Lalo na pag lumabas na yung

ICC.

Sa mahigpit at malambing

na yakap ni Winnie the Pooh.

Yan, yan.

Ay, maraming pera dyan.

Maraming pera dyan sa China. Mayaman yan.

Lalo, mayaman yan.

By the way,

different topic.

Pupunta ba siya si

Xi Jinping sa lugar nyo?

Wala naman naging nag-invita sa kanya.

Wala naging nag-invita sa kanya.

Ang press release, parang pupunta eh.

Wala naging nag-invita.

Nasa San Francisco. Dumating na ata

San Francisco. Pero, ano daw eh.

Pumunta sa isang very fancy

very fancy lodge

in the South Bay with President Biden

na sila lang.

Parang one-on-one time.

Special summit.

Lalo, let me also ask you about this.

First of all,

again, as a historian,

how do you compare the current

quote-unquote understanding between

Romualdez and the traditional

politician leadership of Congress and the

Maccabayan bloc compared to

the permutations of this?

So, ano naman,

nakita naman natin sa libro ni

Joseph Scalise na lahat ng iteration

ng kaliwa sa atin

na niniwala sa Leninismo.

Hindi ako nagre-red tag.

Red beta. Sinasabi ko lang Leninismo.

Meaning, naniniwala sa Vanguard Party.

Ito si Lenia.

Lenindo. Okay, just in case.

Hining, lahat ng kaliwa naniniwala sa Vanguard Party.

Diba?

Na Leninismo or

na

Stalinist din.

Itong argument ni Joseph Scalise.

Leninist-Stalinist. O baka hindi niya

sasabing Leninist.

Sabi nang niya Stalinist.

Whatever.

Lahat ng Stalinist incarnation,

ng Communist Party or ng kaliwa sa Pilipinas,

ay nakipag-alyansa na sa mga trapo.

So, yung first Communist Party,

yung PKP, nakipag-alyansa

kay Ferdinand Marcos. So, may president na for this.

And then, of course, yung contemporary

left natin, yung contemporary Maoist left,

ay ang dami-dami ng alyansa

kumpara kay Digong. So, wala na, may president

naman for this. Now, is it necessarily

bad? Hindi ko alam, actually.

So, itong vision ko, ha. I don't know kung nag-agree kayo sa akin.

Ang vision ko is actually, wala nang NPA,

the full legalization of the

Communist Party of the Philippines. At,

hindi na UGN, hindi na underground yan.

Kung anong gusto nang itawag sa sarili nila,

pag fully legal na sila, wala akong pakailangan.

Pwede nang tawagin nila sa sarili

ng, you know, I Love Mao Party,

Makabayan Black,

CPP. I don't really care.

Basta kailangan meron na tayong full legalization.

At sa tingin ko,

meron na akong isang kaibigan, very interesting political

analyst. Galit siya sa mga Maoista.

Pero sabi niya, every year,

every election, binoboto niya ang bayan

muna. I don't know kung bakit.

Ayaw mo naman sa kanila. Sabi niya, I want to

encourage yung parliamentary,

I want them to fall in love

with the parliamentary system.

Nudge them, nudge them in that.

I want them to fall in love with the parliamentary system.

So I don't know, you know,

medyo kadire na yung mga people

who are, you know, on paper supposed to be

opposed to each other, are allying with each other.

Pero kung nakita nila, for example,

you know na, ang

NPA ngayon, gunaw na, di ba?

Mahina na talaga ang

UG ngayon. Sa legal, pwede sila

maging malakas through Makabayan Black.

And kung yung legal na yun

bears certain

fruits. Like, for example,

ma-impeach si Sara,

matanggal si Sara, ma-exile si

Digong sa China, ganyan.

At napakita nila, nabahagi sila

ng proseso niya. Baka ma-encourage yung

parliamentary side. Ngayon,

ito, isa pang mahalaga dito,

patay na si Tatang. Di ba? Patay na

si Tatang na mag-i-insist on the romance

of, si Tatang Joma, na mag-i-insist

on the romance of the underground.

Wait lang, sorry. I was making sure which

Tatang is this.

Si Tatang Joma, di ba? Si

Ayatola. So, may mga

nangyayari talaga ngayon. Meron ka talagang

possibility ngayon na meron na talagang full

legalization of the Maoist

Communist Movement. In part,

yung parliamentary democracy of that move.

So, sana. Matagal ko

ng pangarap ito,

yung full legalization.

Baka. I don't know.

Ikaw, Ronald, do you think that's

the future? Sorry, Ronald, to cut

you lang. The reason I find Lelo

's intervention very interesting, because I

interviewed, actually, not once but twice

si Jonathan Malaya,

Undersecretary and Spokesman for the National

Security Council. So, we discussed the NTF

LCAC, red tagging, and all of that.

And essentially, yung parang point dito

is, hindi naman kami

against necessarily progressive

politics. Ang ayaw namin yung mga nagpapanggap

na parliamentary sila,

pero actually, they're just a front for

a kind of underground movement, etc. But

ako naman, nung na-interview ko naman some of these people,

I think some of them are genuinely invested.

in parliamentary. Meron talaga.

Meron talaga. It's time to nudge na para matapos

na yung isang part. Ronald, do you think

dapat tapos na itong

armed struggle, armed struggle? Because it's not really

it has not really helped the cause,

has it? Saka, Ronald, umutik

nyo na matapos yan ng panahon ni Pinoy,

di ba? I mean, meron talaga. Meron talaga eh.

Yung sana na sabihin ko, dahil

2011-2012, ako yung

head nung special track

nung nag-

tumigil yung official track

nung peace talks.

Ako yung pinadala sa Utrecht

to negotiate with Joma. Ang tawag

din special track. Dahil yung official

nawala or tumigil.

For more than a year,

very reasonable si Joe.

Nung ulang nga namin

meeting eh. Ito, sinabi ko

sa harapan nila Nato Reyes

nung namatay si Joe,

the chief, yung

program ng Channel 5. So, sinabi ko

sa harapan nila, in several

guestings.

Sabi ko,

nung first time kami nagkita

sa Utrecht,

Joe, one-on-one muna tayo.

Yung delegation mo, tsaka yung

delegation ko, palasin muna

natin. Tapos tinanong ko siya,

Joe, seryoso ba kayo dito?

Seryoso ba kayo dito? O ito yung

dati nyong framework na political

mileage, propaganda,

etc.

Very frank si Joe. Come on, Ronald.

We have to negotiate

while we still have something.

To negotiate with.

Yan ang sabi niya.

Tapos sabi niya, gusto ko lang

umuwi. Gusto ko lang umuwi.

Dahil yung mga kabads niya,

mga kamag-anak niya, nagkakamataya

na. Gusto niyang abutan pa eh.

Yung kanyang mga

ka-generation.

Kaya nung bumalik ako

sa

Malacanang with

Pinoy, with the

Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces, etc.

Sabi ko, may

problema tayo. Sabi ni Pinoy,

bakit? Mukhang seryoso

si Joe. Mukhang seryoso

sa political settlement.

Mukhang seryoso ang gustong bumalik.

Yung gano'n. So,

baka tayo pa yung mag-secure kay Joe pag bumalik.

Anyway, to make a long story short,

yung

pipirmahan nila

ay puro best efforts.

Puro best efforts. Walang

coalition government,

walang free all political detaining,

walang

basta lahat yung best effort.

Kaya nagulat ako na

nung fast forward,

nung panahon ni Digong,

ang daming binigay sa kanila, nag-collapse pa rin.

Pero nung panahon namin,

pumayag sila.

Bagamat nireject ng NPA,

yung kasunduan namin ni Joe

at the time,

nung pagbalik namin,

kasama pa nga si Dodong Nemenso,

si Pablito Sanidad,

Alex Padilla,

Chito Gascon,

Efren Moco, nung bumalik kami

noong 2012,

para sabihin na,

tanggap na ng presidente,

tanggap na ng kabinet,

tanggap na ng armed forces

yung ating pinagkasunduan.

Pagbalik, mukhang yung side nila

nireject.

Grabe Ronald, naalala ko nung umuwi ka noon,

sabi mo, ano na to?

Sabi mo, something like ano,

hindi aabot ng dalawang taon to,

tapos na to eh.

Ganun kayo, optimistic nung panahon na yun.

Tapos, yung tanong ko is,

yun nga,

yung role,

yung role ng parliamentary struggle

doon sa pag-convincing sa kanila na

baka tapos na to.

Kasi meron ba ang sense na parang

si Joma naiingit siya doon sa mga taong

nagiging congressman,

nakakapasok ng gobyerno,

may pagtingin na,

eh, bata ako to mga to,

dapat ako inauna siya.

Ay, iba pala yung meaning na dapat nauna.

Hindi, yung ibang-ibang nauna.

Mukhang hindi naman yun.

Mukhang hindi yun yung pinanggagalingan niya.

Partly personal,

gusto niyang bumalik,

at bahagi nung pagbalik,

is an agreement.

Is a political settlement.

Diba?

Partly,

battle fatigue.

Battle fatigue.

Marami doon sa leadership nila,

matatanda na eh.

No?

Matatanda na.

Mismo yung mga leader ng kanilang armed group

na namatay din last year,

yung mga chamsons.

No?

Si Benny Chamson,

yung head ng NPA.

So, talagang,

nung dumami yung

casualties nila

nung panahon ni Digong,

talagang,

nagkaroon sila ng existential crisis.

Dahil,

hindi na gano'n yung,

hindi na kasing lakas yung mass base,

katulad ng martial law,

or post-martial law.

Yung ideological construct nila,

ay practically sa Pilipinas na lang.

Practically, naubos na yung mawis around the world.

Even in China.

Sa mga Pilipinas,

sa mga Filipina-American,

sikat sila.

Tapos, sa Nepal,

the head of state now is a mawis.

Pero hindi na siya mawis in the old sense.

Talagang parliamentary na.

Merong natitira sa Northern India,

yung Naxalites.

At saka sa Nepal,

malakas pa yung mga mawis.

But, Ronald, let me push you a little bit on this.

What about yung mga regional commanders?

This is the Tiglao school of thought.

Yung mga regional commanders there

who are just really running their own protection rockets there.

Well, nung nawala yung general command,

nung nawala yung general command

more than two decades ago,

nagkaroon ng autonomy yung command na yan.

So, naging fundamental na yan

in terms of command and control.

Diba?

At,

so nagkaroon sila ng leeway para sa revolutionary taxation,

permit to campaign,

et cetera, et cetera.

Pero masang fundamental kasi,

when the democratic space

ay hindi na constricted,

nag-open na,

kahit the bourgeois nature of the state remains,

pero kahit naman si Che Guevara,

inaamin niya,

na kung may democratic space,

mahirap ang armed struggle.

Mahirap ang armed struggle.

Pero alam mo,

So, alam mo, Ronald,

yung point na yan,

that was made very early on,

1990s pa lang,

after yung tumakbo sila ng Partido ng Bayan.

Diba?

May libro pa nga si Jenny Franco tungkol dyan

na nagbukas na yung democratic space.

So, matagal na nating sinasabi,

bakit may NPA pa rin?

O, bakit hindi na-crystallize yung transition,

ano na yan,

dynamic na yun?

Well, dahil nung 80s na yan,

the NPA was so huge.

No?

It's about 20,000.

25,000, no?

So, it takes time bago yan.

Dumating nga yung panahon na

they have more arms than guerrillas.

So, sabihin,

slow burn yung combination

ng ideological weakness,

the weakness of the armed struggle,

at saka yung democratic space, no?

Hindi siya overnight na nagbago.

Dahil nga ang laki-laki nila,

nung 80s,

ang laki-laki nila.

At saka, syempre,

yung mga contradictions pa rin ng lipunan,

nandyan pa rin,

nandyan pa rin,

kahit yung space ay lumaki.

Kaya,

pero, nakita natin ngayon,

from 25,000,

swerte na kung may 2,000, 3,000.

Okay, Ronald.

So, may tanong ko sa'yo.

You were very hopeful

nung panahon yun ni Pinoy.

Sabihin natin ang hopefulness

noon na magkakaroon ng

settlement na mawala ng NPA,

magiging forest ranger.

Di ba forest ranger yung proposal

at one point,

magiging forest ranger na lang sila?

Let's say, hopefulness at night.

From a red army to a green army.

Oh, where are you now?

How hopeful are you na matatapos to

within the term of, let's say,

Ferdinand Marcos?

Which would be amazing for him, di ba?

Like, legacy yun.

May mga generals ngayon

na ang sinasabi ay

nagsimula ito nung panahon ng tatay.

Tatapusin namin sa panahon ng anak.

Pero ibig sabihin nun, Ronald,

patayan hindi settlement eh.

Para ang tunog nun,

ang busa ng lahi.

It could be a combination.

Dahil yung patayan nangyari

nung panahon ni Digong

at itong first year namin