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Ayan na, ayan na, eto na talaga

Ayan, alam ko na may mga mainis na naman sa akin

Bakit ka nag-ayan na, ayan na?

Kasi ganun ito talagang politika natin mga kameta

I mean, if it were up to me

Ang gusto kong pag-usapan yung mga sosyal na bagay

Gusto kong pag-usapan ng global geopolitics

Gusto kong pag-usapan ng US-China rivalry

Gusto kong pag-usapan ng, I don't know, electric vehicles

Gusto kong pag-usapan, alam mo, maraming gusto kong pag-usapan na

Actually, I've been writing on

Doon sa mga international publications natin

And by the way, of course, meron tayong incoming journal articles

Journal of Democracy naman, di ba? Among others

So maraming tayong mga ginagawa, di ba?

Pagdaring sa academic works natin

Global tayong mga kameta

Pero, pagdaring sa Pilipinas

Dahil may paki naman tayo sa ating bansa

Dahil wala naman tayong manok pagdating sa politika

Pero, ang tanging concern po natin

Yung kalagayan na ating bansa

Yung welfare na ating mga kababayan

Ay, eto kasing problema

Every time na mag-update tayo sa Pilipin politics

May nangyari na naman na kakaiba

Kaya, ayan na, ayan na naman yung sasabihin natin

Kasi yun naman talaga, di ba?

Kung baga, kung si Insan, Mekos Mekos

Ang kanyang take dun sa kanyang mga

Ako naman, ang take ko sa politika natin

Ayan na, ayan na

So, wala

Anong gagawin ko?

Pilitin natin na happy everything?

Hindi naman talaga eh

So, eto

Eto na

Eto na, nagbubuljakan na

Nagbubuljakan na

And today, feel ko matutuwa

Dalawang kampo sa akin

Ang mga matutuwa kampo sa akin today

Mga kadidyes

At mga

Kakamping

Alright, talagang

Only in the Philippines, no?

Isang araw, binabash ako ng mga kadidyes

Tapos, pinuprotect tayo ng mga loyalista

Mga kakamping

The next day naman

Eto, baliktad naman

Medyo, dun naman tayo sa kabila

Alright, magpabash naman tayo sa kabilang kampo ngayon

Yayayayayayayayayayayayayayayayayayayayay

Okay, okay, okay

1987 Constitution

And tsa-tsa

Pag-usapan natin yan mga kamay

稜

Sorry ha

Okay, okay, okay

Gusto kong mangyayari ngayon is

I-space din natin

Para four platforms na tayo

I think

God willing

This will be the first time ever

First time ever na

Mag

Quadrilateral tayong

Okay

Ito na, ito na

Para

Go na tayo

Kulang tayo ng mga dito

Okay, ito na

Okay

So now we have

Key figures from both

The ideological opposition

Ibig sabihin liberal party

Progressive parties

At functional opposition

Essentially ito yung mga kampo ng mga Duterte

Or mga supporters of Duterte

Both of them raising alarm bells

Dito sa posibilidad

Na baka ma-railroad itong chacha

Alright

Na baka magkaroon tayo ng railroading

Ng chacha

So

Pagdating sa ating infrastruktura

Medyo matagal-tagal na mag gumagawa ng mga

Ah

Gumagawa ng mga

Roads

Or rails

Pero pagdating sa politika natin

Mabilis-mabilis ang mga bagay-bagay

So pwedeng ano

I-railroad ang mga bagay-bagay

Alright, okay, okay

Ito na, ito na

So both Aimee Marcos

And also

I just saw dito sa ating Twitter

Si Congressman Exel Lagman

Are making some very, very big

Allegations

Ah

Namely that

Some powers that be

May be using

Hindi natin alam saan galing mga pera na yan

May be using financial incentives

To push for charter change

Pag-usapan natin itong mga

Ah

Allegations na yan

At saka ano yung mga implications na yan

Very shortly

Ah

But before that

We need to have some background

And before talking about some background

Let's go to what I consider

As the worst ever

Ah

Political advertisement

I've ever seen

Although

Hindi ako magtataka

Na they'll be worse than that

Akala ko nga si Robin Padil

Yung mag-ano dyan eh

Mga

Magsistar dito

Alright

Let's

Ano muna tayo mga kamets

Mag special mention naman tayo dito sa

Itong nagtitrending na walang yang

Ilang klase talaga itong advertisement

Ayan

Ieche puwera natin itong ano

Itong

Advertisement

Advertisement

Advertisement

Alam nyo na yan ito

Pinost ko kanina

Ayayayay

Talagang ating bayan

Ayan na talaga

Ito ito ito

Wait lang ah

Wait lang wait lang

Chill lang

Ilabas natin

Wala naman tayong

Twitter account na totoo dito

Sa ano na to

Okay okay guys

Ito very artistic work ito

Ah

Itong kaiwanan na to

Ito

Ito

Ito ito ito ito ito mga kamets

Pinag-hirapan naman daw to

Paid buy

Sino bang nag-bayad neto

Ito ito ito

Natawa naman ako in fairness sa ano niya

Sa mga

Wait lang

Tanggalin ko itong mga

Bitcoin

Bumaba pa naman yung presya ng bitcoin

I don't know

Si Christian sabi mo dyan

Hindi

May chance na umakyat ang bitcoin price

Pag nagkaroon ng approval ng ETF

But we'll have a different discussion on bitcoin soon

Nagmo-monitor lang tayo ng Bitcoin.

Ayan. Hindi pa ako nakadecide kung Bitcoin ang bibiling ko

or isang 4K camera na RX100 or something like that

para sa vlogging natin, especially mga international vlogging natin.

Ito, balikan natin ito. Okay, okay. Baka sabihin nyo,

next style maharlig ka ako na ang daming eche-boreche

tapos 5 minutes lang yung analysis. Don't worry, guys.

We're going to do solid analysis. I'm just warming this up.

Okay, okay. Ito, ito, ito.

Sa pagbuo ng 1987 Constitution, naed sa puwera tayo.

Sa 1987 Constitution, natigil ang asenso natin.

Magandang edukasyon daw para sa lahat.

Pero pangako nanigas.

Ang pagpasok ng edukasyong dekalidad, ed sa puwera.

Masaganang agrikultura daw para sa lahat.

Ngunit pangako, napako.

Ang pinayaman ng konstitusyon, mamamakyaw.

At negosyante.

Ang magsasaka, ed sa puwera.

Malusog na ekonomiya daw para sa lahat.

Pero pangako, nahinto.

Monopolya ang naghahari.

Land ownership ng foreign investors, ed sa puwera.

Panahon na lang, sisisin natin.

Panahon na para ayusin.

Itama ang hindi patas na 1987 Constitution.

Gawing saligang patas, ang saligang batas.

Ayan.

Sa pagbuo ng 1987 Constitution, naed sa puwera tayo.

Sa 1987 Constitution, natigil ang asenso natin.

Lahat na lang, sisisin natin sa ano.

Iniwan ako ng diyowa ko.

Isisin natin yan sa 1987 Constitution.

Hindi maganda yung buhok ko ngayon.

Isisin natin sa 1987 Constitution.

Hindi maganda yung panahon.

Iwan tayo ng mga kaibigan.

Lahat na lang.

Yung Bitcoin po, hindi magandang labas kahapon.

1987.

Yan po ang problema.

Yan po ang problema.

Yan po ang problema sa mga kaewanan diyan.

Kung saan, pinipilit ang isang issue at very problematic yung logic.

Very, very problematic yung logic.

Because, let's not forget.

Ang problema ng corruption.

Ang problema ng mga oligarkiya.

Ang problema ng katrapuhan and political dynasties.

Hindi po ito ay nahulog sa atin bigla nung nag-sign po tayo, nag-ratify po tayo ng 1997 Constitution.

This problem has been with us for more than a hundred years.

So, if you want to go dun sa ugat ng problema, saan nagsimula yung problema ng Pilipinas,

you have to go very much to the beginning of introduction of Philippine democracy.

Nang ibang usapan yan.

But, I can suggest fantastic works like by Professor John Seidel, for instance,

whose contention is that the problem sa Philippines is nung na-introduce ang democratic elections sa Pilipinas,

the problem was that yung mga na-favor niya immediately ay yung mga political dynasties na from Spanish era pa lang.

So, it immediately allowed for...

Kasi dati may property rule pa eh.

Yung mga tao na may property lang pwede bumoto or pwede tumakbo.

So, you immediately created a first mover's advantage or actually structural advantage dun sa mga trapo and mga oligarchs and hacienderos

from pa noon pa ng mga Espanyol.

Kasi marami naman sa kanila yan eh.

Nag-defect ka agad dun sa new imperial power.

Once nawalang Spain, dun na sila ka agad sa Amerika, diba?

Kaya nga nagwala-wala si General Luna o Bayano sarili.

Dahil yun nga.

Ang daming katrapuhan.

So, ito yung mga prinsipales na naging political dynasties ng pa noon ni yung mga Amerikano,

sila yung pinaka nag-take advantage ng introduction of semi-democratic elections.

So, essentially, hinijack po nila yung democratic institutions na na-introduce ng mga Amerikano.

Ang problema is, in theory, dapat inaayos yan over time.

But the problem is that for the next hundred years, whatever constitution na ginawa,

whether yung constitution sa ilalim ni Marcos

or yung constitution na ginawa sa ilalim ni Corazon Aquino,

one way or another, itong mga oligarchs natin,

technically, oligarch means the few bad who rule a country or a polity.

So, primarily, we're talking about economic oligarchs but also about political oligarchs.

Political dynasties, for instance.

So, kung titignan mo yan, ang masaklap sa Pilipinas is ang daming natin naging constitution.

Right? 1935 and then pa noon ni Marcos.

1970s and then 1987.

Pero hindi po nawawala itong problema ng oligarkiya.

Hindi po nawawala itong problema ng corruption.

Minsan nga lumala pa.

I would say it was even worse in the 70s and 80s.

But still, things are really bad in the Philippines.

So, logic lang, right? Kung nag-aaral ka ng basic causality,

kung paiba-iba yung constitution pero yung outcome is the same,

then siguro hindi talaga yung constitution yung dahilan na ganito yung outcome.

Na mas malalim yung ugat ng problema.

And para sa akin, this is where we have to be very clear.

The problem is that it's not the 1987 constitution per se.

Although, let me be absolutely clear.

I have some concerns with the 1987 constitution.

For instance, in theory, para sa akin mas maganda na isang presidente ay dalawang termina maximum every four years.

So, kung magaling ka sa first four years mo, then pwede ka ma-reelect.

Kung palpak ka sa first four years mo, and then okay, di ka na ma-reelect.

O baka yan ang mangyari nga sa US elections this year.

Or yung nangyari kay Trump, di ba, noong 2020.

So, in theory, I'm okay with two, four years.

Because I think a single six years term is too long for a bad president.

And it's not like every time you can etsa na lang and erup out.

Unfortunately, that's like once in a blue moon.

So, a six-year term is too long for a bad president.

But it's too short for a good president.

So, I think an eight-year, maximum eight years is enough.

Maximum eight-year system like America or what we had before.

Or an Indonesian system of two, five years.

Jokowi was not too bad.

And actually, andito po siya sa Pilipinas the other days.

I think that's better.

So, I can raise three or four different concerns I've had with the 1980s Constitution.

But fundamentally, I don't think the 1980s Constitution ay talagang ugat ng problema natin.

And I don't think yung mga few flaws.

Not trivial, but nevertheless.

The few flaws, the problems I see with the 1980s Constitution.

So, isa pa yung problema ko is walang enabling law sa 1997 Constitution pagdating sa anti-dynasty principle sa ating saligang batas.

But again, these are actually political problems rather than legal problems.

So, actually, if you analyze it fundamentally,

constitutions are a frozen balance of political relations in a specific time and space.

So, yung 1997 Constitution, yung kalabasan niyan,

eto ay yung reflection ng political calculation ng mga political elites.

Who took over the Philippines after the fall of the Marcos dictatorship.

At alam natin, Corazon Aquino and the people who were in charge,

they had to deal with all of these trapos, hacienderos, dynasties, oligarchs na biglang are back into power.

Or, malapit sila kay Marcos but they didn't pay a price for it.

So, in a way, the 1997 Constitution was somehow a kind of a compromise.

But more importantly, its spirit and letter was fundamentally compromised.

Fundamentally compromised by the political oligarchs and economic oligarchs who continue to dominate the Philippines.

Since, not only 1987, they have been, I mean, mag-name drop pa tayo siya.

May mga iba tayong mga political dynasties diyan.

Mahahanap mo yan sa mga records 1870s pa lang or 1880s.

Panahon pa ng mga Espanyol, andun na sila.

Alam ko na sabihin sila mga yan but pwede niya i-google yan, di ba?

So, we have many political dynasties.

And we have many conglomerates and oligarchs who go beyond 50 years.

Some of them beyond 100 years.

So, kung sasabihin mo na kasalanan ito ng 1997 Constitution, napaka-ewan yung logic na yan, di ba?

Because, alam natin, mas malalim yung ugat ng problema natin.

But I'll tell you another thing.

Pagdating sa 1997 Constitution, actually, it has some promise, right?

So, there are certain provisions about political parties.

There are certain provisions about political dynasties.

And then, of course, there are provisions on human rights and mga others.

Ang problema kasi natin, mga ka-Hadarian na lang kasi ang dami natin platform yan.

Mababash na naman ako sa Reddit. Sabihin nyo, sa Hadarian, mga ka-Hadarian.

Ayan, yung mga kameta natin. Ayaw ko sabihin kameta kasi may space tayo, may TikTok tayo, may YouTube tayo.

No, no, no. Ang problema kasi natin dito is, you know, freedom doesn't come free, right?

Freedom comes from constant political struggle.

Ang problema parating dito sa Pilipinas is, once nakapasa tayo ng bagong saligang batas

or once tapos ng elections, akala natin tapos ng laban, uwi na tayo, balik ulit, next cycle, right?

So, we tend to demobilize politically always prematurely.

So, nag-ETSA 1 na tayo, okay na, tapos na.

And then, medyo nag-ETSA 2 na tayo, dapat tapos ng problema.

Well, guess what? Kung gusto mo ayusin isang bansa na katulad ng Pilipinas na napakalalim ng problema,

napakahikpit yung grip ng mga oligarchs sa ating ekonomiya, sa ating political alliance.

I'll give you numbers, right?

In 2011, 40 families in the Philippines took home 76% of newly created growth.

So, every 6% of growth we create in our GDP, 4% goes to only 40 families.

That's scandalous level of concentration of wealth, right?

And I doubt that has dramatically improved over the past 10 years or so.

Political alliances, lampas sa 80% ng mga elected offices ay napupunta dyan sa mga political alliances.

So, hindi tayo totoong demokrasya dahil yung spirit and letter of the 1999 Constitution was never effectuated.

And it was never effectuated because we did not elect the right people into office.

So, actually, we have a number of problems.

One of our problems that we think, ang obligasyon lang natin during election time mag-ingay,

and then kung nanalo yung manok natin, then okay na.

Or kung hindi nanalo yung manok natin, babay na ang Philippines, alis na tayo.

Yung ganyang mindset.

Well, that's the problem.

Even if nanalo yung manok mo, assuming okay na tao yung manok mo,

it's not enough that you have the right president there.

It's not enough that you have the right senator there, right?

Dahil, pagdating sa governance, it's a group work.

You have to make sure there are the right congressmen there, there are the right governors there, there are the right mayors there.

So, ang nagiging masaklap sa Pilipinas is,

even when we had slightly okay presidents na hindi ganun kakorap,

pagdating sa ibang branches of the government, andun pa rin yung mga oligarchs, andun pa rin yung mga problematic people.

Kaya, kawawang-kawawang ang Pilipinas.

So, we never had enough mobilization pre-election, during election, and post-election

to make sure na papaalisin natin talaga yung lahat ng mga oligarchs sa state institutions natin

at ipapressure natin yung mga economic oligarchs na nag-dominate na ang ating ekonomiya.

So, we always have this problem of premature demobilization and limited cyclical political mobilization.

Ito yung constant problem sa Pilipinas.

And I'll tell you this, since naging active ako, naging quote-unquote vlogger na tayo, kitang-kita ko yung online eh.

Kung titignan mo yung mga videos natin nung election time, some of our videos easily get million views.

A single video gets a million views. Political ah. Live, Facebook live, no production, whatever.

I was amazed by it. Next thing I know, tapos na elections, views come down to 10,000 maximum, right?

So, real time, sa analytics, nakita ko na nawawala ng interesang tao sa politika once natapos yung elections.

Now, I understand people are tired, exhausted, people are demoralized, or nanalo yung manok mo so happy ka na yung gawin.

But that's not how reform works. So, if you study reform movements,

if you study democratic movements, whether it's in civil rights movements in South United States,

you know, the horrible semi-apartheid system they had back in the day,

whether you look at the anti-apartheid movements in South Africa,

whether you look at the social democratic movements in Sweden, in Germany, so on and so forth,

ito po ay mga decades old, and some of the movements have been centuries old until they get more and more right.

So, constant struggle po. Especially kung yung mga bansa mo eh, sobrang, sobrang...

higpit yung hawak ng mga oligark sa ating ekonomiya and politika.

So, this has been the constant problem for us.

Now, but the other problem we have is that we focus on the wrong problems.

Therefore, we come up with, let's be honest, dumb solutions.

So, this idea that you just change the constitution and everything automatically will be okay,

I mean, that's fourth world thinking, right?

System change takes way more than just different yung sulat mong batas.

You need the right institution building to enforce the laws.

You need to make sure, you know, you build the foundations of good political parties.

You need to make sure you have the right political culture.

Lahat yan, mahirap yan. So, you have to move on many multiple fronts, no?

In fact, there's a new social science article that came out which has... medyo depressing pa nga yung analysis niya, di ba?

So, what I'm saying here, mga kameta, is that...

Ay, man, na-disconnect tong internet ko dito sa Twitter.

Anyway, balikan natin.

So, what I'm saying here is that the other tendency we have is that we fall for bara-bara solutions, solutions, or fake solutions.

And parang sa medicine niyan, eh. Kung maling diagnostics mo, maling bibigyan mong gamot, lalong lalala yung problema.

Hindi mo lang nasa-solve, hindi mo lang nare-resolve yung problema, lalala pa yung problema.

In fact, the way I put it is this, you cannot fix a problem if the fixer is the problem, right?

Common sense. Tignan niyo to.

Kung magkakaroon tayo ng charter change, sino sa tingin niyo ang mag-oversee ng charter change sa Pilipinas?

Hindi ba yung mga trapo din na nandyan sa pader, di ba?

So, sa tingin niyo ba, ganito, eto, logic lang, sa tingin niyo ba ang mga trapos will vote for a new constitution that takes them out of power or undermines their power? No!

Logically, if they're going to push for a constitutional change, ang gagawin nila yun, lalong papalakasin nila yung pundasyon ng kanilang puwersa.

Lalong, lalong maging mahirap ang sitwasyon ng taong bayan in terms of making sure there's more accountability, there's more good governance, there's more democracy.

That's just the reality.

So, yun nga yung problema natin.

First of all, sobrang limited yung political mobilization.

Second, ang bilis mag-demobilize yung tao, cyclical lang naging active.

Third, sobrang sablay yung expectations natin.

Parang nanalo lang yung matinong presidente, akala yung mga solve lahat as if yung presidente lang mismo can solve all the problems.

And then, more importantly, kaya lang sinasabi ko, ang dali natin, mauto minsan sa mga scam.

Yung mga tipong, bigyan niyo akong six months lang, isosolve ko yung droga.

Yung mga ganyan scam na gano'n.

Or yung mga, ang e, may bagong scam na naman tayo.

Bagoyin natin yung salingang batas, magiging Switzerland na tayo.

Well, kaya sa...

This is what? Parliamentary din ang sistema sa Iraq.

Have you seen their political system?

Parliamentary din yung system sa Bangladesh.

And yung mga nagmimension ng Malaysia, these people have no idea how messy Malaysian politics is.

I mean, I know Malaysian politics pretty okay.

I interviewed at least a prime minister or two from that country.

I have contacts at the highest levels.

I have friends who know the ins and outs.

And they have a very bad politics.

Nagkataon lang, swerte lang Malaysia dahil marami silang oil.

Maliit lang population nila.

Kaya medyo matinitin yung bansa nila at magandang location nila.

So there are many other reasons that explains why Malaysia is wealthier and more developed than Philippines.

Except their politics which is worse than the Philippines.

But anyway, I can go to Bangladesh, Iraq.

Federalism.

Tingnan mo yung Nigeria.

Tingnan mo yung Brazil.

So I can mention you many countries with parliamentary, federal, federal parliament system.

That sobrang sabog.

So yung idea na palitan natin sa salingang batas, gawin natin federally sa parliament,

automatically maging Switzerland, Thailand, Canada, whatever.

Sobrang ridiculous yan.

It's like, sinabi ko yan.

It's like, di ba, may mga nag-meme dyan eh.

Yung idea na, di ba kung si Michael Jordan, pag nagsishoot siya, lalabas niya yung dila niya.

Parang gaganyan, tas isishoot niya yung gano'n.

It's like saying, pag nilabas mo yung dila mo, ginaya mo yung forma ni Jordan, maging kasing galingan ni Jordan.

Ganon kasi nga, yung ganyan level of analysis.

Na sasabihin mo, by just replicating the shell of a political system,

you're automatically gonna achieve the substantial...

substantive developments inherent to that system.

It doesn't work that way.

Now, again, just to be fair, I am not against constitutional amendments.

And, in theory, I'm kinda okay with the idea of parliamentary democracy.

But, I'll be honest,

ayoko magpauto tayo dun sa mga scammers na sinasabing,

na siguradong masusolv yung problema na yun.

There's always a law of unintended consequences.

And as I said,

one reason I'm very worried about charter,

under the current circumstances.

So, in theory, I'm okay with constitutional amendments or even to a certain extent.

Pero,

ang tanong ko is, under what conditions?

Kasi, kung papalitan mo yung saligang batas sa ilalim ng mga conditions kung saan ang lalim ang problema ng corruption,

kwasyonableng intention ng mga legislators mo,

and then, ngayon, merong accusations na may mga bribery daw nangyari to influence, I don't know, people's initiative, whatever,

then, honestly,

do you think ang outcome neto will be really towards a Switzerland-clean political system?

Come on, mag-isip naman kayo.

Mag-isip naman tayo dyan.

Mag-isip naman tayo dyan.

Okay.

Now, transition naman tayo dito sa second part ng analysis natin.

Because this is where we want to analyze what's happening right now under the current powers that be.

Now, interestingly,

interestingly, mga kameta,

not long ago,

parang medyo iba yung...

parang inip ng hangin.

I'll, I'll, I'll, let me go through this first.

Bago tayo pumunta sa mga accusations laban sa kasalukuyan na administrasyon,

tignan muna natin anong yung position ng ating minamahal na Pangulo.

So, if you look at President Bama Marcos, while he ran for office under the Federalist Party,

interestingly,

dun sa, nung unang-una, medyo skeptical siya sa constitutional change.

In fact, ito po yung sinabi na dito sa article,

ito yung article na yan.

Philippines may not be ready for federalism.

Bama Marcos, ito yung article sa Philippine Daily Inquirer by Gabriel Carreroza nung September 10, 2017.

So, nung time na tumakbong bilang vice-presidente si Bama Marcos,

you know,

doon pa lang sabi niya.

For example, how would you form the states?

If the process is by administrative region, then we may become, say, an Ilocano state.

But what effect would have that in terms of political structure?

Sabi niya,

if somebody had been chosen to head the state,

how will you tell, for instance, Governor Ali Marcos that she will no longer be the one to be followed by the head of state?

So, parang, it has become that way because this system has long been with us.

So, nangyayari natin, si BBM may skeptical sa federalism.

This is time of digong, when there was a push for federalism.

I think this federated system is not a bad system, it's a good system.

We need to examine how it applies, but we have to examine.

So, dito makikita mo na si President is expressing a lot of,

you know, misgivings about this, lang hindi si Andre.

And actually, he's right.

I agree with the President na hindi tayo pwede bara-bara lang.

And then later, and actually in 2022, during elections,

Marcos, again, said something about federalism, constitutional change.

And so, he reiterated the skepticism that he had in the past.

Ito, January 25, 2022, ito yung article, isa pang article.

So, I'm showing to you guys, step by step, yung evolution ng position ng ating minamahal na Pangulo.

And, kaya namumuska anong nangyari dito, di ba? Bakit ganun?

So, actually, this is, o, pakita ko dito, ah.

O, dun sa mga ka-TikTok natin, ka-YouTuber, don't worry,

i-upload din natin yan para makita niyo yung analysis.

O, ito, so, 2017, nakita niyo, skeptical, not sure, 2022, ganun na naman.

Sabi niya, ito, medyo mahirap daw, maging difficult daw ang transition to federalism.

So, again, in principle.

In principle, kind of okay, pero sabi niya, ito, ah, while the federal system may fit the Philippines,

amending the constitution may be difficult this time, sabi niya, nung tumatakbo siyang bilang presidente.

Dun sa isang interview niya sa DZRH, ito yung presidential job interview, ang sinabi ni Marco Jr.,

um, tignan dapat natin ulit ang mga proposal tungkol sa federalismo, ito ay mukhang babagay para sa atin sa Pilipinas.

Ngunit, ngunit, ang paglipat ng sistema ng government requires a constitutional amendment,

palagay ko, napakihirap ngayon na buksan ang saligang batas dahil ang tao ayaw nila,

ang suspecha nila, ang mga politiko ay mag-extend lang o magka-cancel ng election.

O, this is, ito, si presidente mismo nagsabi, ano, bakit ako sa inyo, exact quote.

So, see, the president, well, back then, presidential candidate, PBM, recognized skepticism ng tao ukol dito sa charter change.

Diba?

Ito yung sinabi na, diba?

Kitang-kita na yan.

Sa aking palagay, pag-usapan mabuti kung sakali man sumungayan ng taong bayan na dapat lumipat tayo sa federalismo at yan ang nina-nice ng madla,

yun ang ating gagawin.

Pero, in the meantime, parang medyo skeptical siya.

But, medyo iba na yung init ng hanging later on, diba?

At yun yung sa akin very interesting, no?

Biglang, next thing you know, at sabi ko, siguro may kinalaman din yan sa...

Actually, before we go there.

Tignan niyo rin yung first state of the nation address ni BBM.

In fact, his first two state of the nation addresses, he didn't mention itong issue ng federalismo and constitutional change.

In fact, dun sa first state of the nation address niya, nagkaroon ng away yung dalawang malaking anchors dyan sa SMNI,

si Kibuloy, Pastor Kibuloy, at saka si Abe, si Mike Abe, dahil nga, yung isa dyan, hindi siya natuwa na hindi minention yung mga pet peeves.

Yung mga pet peeves.

Yung mga pet peeves ng Duterte camp, ng mga pro-Duterte, at isa dyan, yung issue ng federalismo.

In fact, si Robin Padilla din, isa sa mga hindi natuwa na hindi na-mention yung masyadong federalismo dahil yun talaga yung kanyang expertise.

Of course, expert naman si Robin Padilla sa constitutional change.

Siya nga yung Senate Constitutional Amendments, ano, chair.

Alright.

Siguro na nga yung mga vlogs ni ganitong ganyan, then okay na, expert na tayo.

Okay.

So, dito na kita natin, actually, way into 2023, malabo.

Malabo yung position ng BBM dito sa issue ng constitutional change.

Gets niya. Gets niya yung gets din natin, diba?

But, biglang iba na yung inip ng hangin by approaching the third quarter of last year as the, you know, yung head-one sa unity may medyo uminit-init, diba?

So, here, suddenly, the president is saying,

Okay, now we're taking the first steps towards constitutional change, in this case, federalism.

So, may kita natin na by third quarter of last year, the president is taking a position openly in saying that we're already moving towards devolution and preparation of the government for constitutional change.

And then, things really got serious when yung kanyang pinsan, right-hand man niya, at isa sa mga pinaka-influential figures in the Philippines,

top four, top five, si Martin Romaldez said na ipaprioritize ng house yung chacha sa kasalukuyan na taon, right?

So, ang sinabi nila, sinabi niya is,

I believe 2024 will allow us again to revise the whole constitution of, a whole issue of the constitution.

We'd like to focus very much on the economic provisions, but even to get there, we have to look at the procedural aspects of the amendment of constitution.

So, one of the things they're looking at is people's initiative.

Because alam nila na medyo may magkakaroon.

Anong pushback from the Senate, including independent senators, independent-minded senators, and opposition senators,

like, well, not Coco Pimentel, but from Reza Antiveras and some others,

then, iniisip nila, magpa-people, iniisip nila sila.

So, this is the context where suddenly you have itong mga buljakan, or mga supposed expose.

Now, one of them is no less than presidential sister and senator,

I mean, Marcos, who we know, of course, is very close to President Duterte.

Right? I don't know about the other side, but she's very supportive and close to President Duterte.

And ayon kay Senator Amy Marcos, up to 20 million pesos daw was reportedly, allegations to,

was offered to each congressional district that could deliver yung number of signatures to support the charter change

being pushed dyan sa House of Representatives.

Of course, galit na galit si Amy daw dito sa alleged offer,

noting yung pera niya na dapat sana binigyan nalang.

Sa Dole, ah, sorry, sa, yeah, sa Dole, sa DOH, sa DSWD.

Sabi niya, I even heard that big cities were also promised to receive 20 million,

ah, 20,000 if they can produce, I think this is 20 million, right?

Kulang ng zero dito.

20 million if they can produce 20,000 signatures by,

many newly elected barangay captains were ordered to produce 20,000 signatures by the weekend

so they could receive goodies from this.

Ito, ah, pakita natin yung exact quote niya para mabasa niya on your own.

Oh, sabi niya.

Sabi niya, I condemn, no?

I condemn daw.

Condemn.

Hindi naman daw.

Kinondem daw niya.

Kinondem niya.

Okay, oh.

Ito, ito, ito.

Ito yung sinabi ni Amy Marcos.

So, just be absolutely clear about what they're saying.

Oh, so malaking nga.

Kasi nangitang ko yun sa mga ka-DDS natin,

sinishare yan kagabi, eh.

Alright.

So, sabi niya,

I condemn the offer because our constitution is not for sale.

Apparently, they offer the DSWD assistance to individuals.

In crisis situations,

doles tupat or tulong paghanap buhay sa ating disadvantaged displaced workers.

At saka yung DOH Medical Assistance to Indigent Patients Program.

So, nakakaroon daw ng mga reallocations.

Sabi niya, clearly somebody's holding the budget.

We know the power of the purse rests with the Congress.

Actually, rests with yung preposition.

Maybe those with access to or control over the funds.

I'm just saying, why do they have the courage to offer something like this?

Is our constitution now for sale?

This is shameless.

This is not for sale.

Well, actually, you know, I don't know about the allegations.

I haven't seen the evidence myself.

But if this were true, I agree with Ivy Marquez.

That, you know, dapat hindi for sale yung issue ng saligang batas.

Napaka-sensitive ito.

Napaka-laki ang maging implication na ito para sa ating bansa at ating demokrasya.

But interestingly, just when you thought maybe it's really one camp,

I was also wondering what will the real opposition say?

You know, you want progressive liberals.

Ano na sasabihin nila?

So, interestingly,

nakita ko kanina,

one of the opposition leaders,

and I think the current leader of the Liberal Party,

si Congressman Lagman,

also had an intervention in this regard.

Medyo parang next level pa yung buljakan niya eh.

Diba?

Dito sa expose niya.

So, eto, eto, eto.

Eto, eto.

Pakinggan natin mga kameta.

Oo.

Para tingnan nyo man.

Wait lang.

Oo.

Ayan.

Ito, ah.

So, ito yung expose ni Edsel Lagman.

Diba?

Diba?

Ito, ah.

Mayors in my district.

This is the, this is the form.

Sa dokumentong ipinakita ni Albay First District Representative Edsel Lagman sa CNN Philippines,

125,000 pesos ang ibinigay umano sa isang mayor

para bayaran ng tig-isandaang piso ang kada constituent na pipirma sa petisyon para amyendahan ng konstitusyon.

The name of...

The name of the mayor, the municipality, then, ah, this is to acknowledge the receipt of the following for the people's initiative.

Another municipality got 142,000 and the third municipality got 175,000.

Three of the mayors in my district already returned the amounts.

Nangyari raw ang bigayan sa isang...

Isang meeting ng mga mayor ng Albay noong January 5.

Bagay na itinanggi ni Mayor Raymond Adrian Salceda,

presidente ng Albay Chapter ng League of Municipalities of the Philippines.

Sa ilalim ng People's Initiative,

pwedeng ipetisyon ng taong bayan na baguhin ang saligang batas

kung may pirma ng 12% ng registered voters.

Dapat pumirma ang 3% ng lahat ng botante kada distrito.

Kumalat na rin sa social media ang petisyong pinapipirmahan umano

sa mga botante para baguhin ang saligang batas sa pamamagitan ng joint voting ng Senado at Kamara.

Mariing tinututulan ng mga senador ang pamamaraang yan.

This would fast track the amendments to be proposed by the Constituent Assembly

because the numerically superior number of representatives

will definitely overwhelm the pure number of senators.

Mismong kapatid ng Pangulo na si Senador Aimee Marcos,

may nakalap na impormasyon na milyon-milyong piso raw

ang ipinapangakong pondo sa mga distrito

gamit ang ilang social assistance programs ng gobyerno

basta't maabot nila ang sapat na pirma.

20 million total kada distrito ang inaalok.

Pinagutusan ang napakaraming bagong halal na mga barangay kapitan

na magproduce ng mga lagda na 20 mil by weekend

para sila magpapag-pag-pag.

Na mabigyan nitong sinasabing DSW, DDOH at DOLE na mga goodies.

Napakaliwanag nung offer at kinukong din ako talaga yung nag-aalok nito

dahil hindi binibenta ang ating konstitusyon, hindi siya for sale.

Ani Marcos, balitang-balita ito sa Ilocos, Bicol at Central at Eastern Visayas.

Sa tanong kung sino ang nasa likod nito,

We know that the power of the purse rests with Congress

so baka yung may access talaga, it's some semblance of suasion and control over the funds.

Duda rin si Lagman sa idinagdag ng Bicameral Conference Committee

na 12 billion pesos sa budget ng Commission on Elections

para sa mga eleksyon, referendum at plebisito.

A charter change rampage has sort fit of funds.

Embedded in the 2024 General Appropriations Act is the total amount of about 14 billion.

Para kay Senate Minority Leader Coco Pimentel,

dapat mag-imbestiga ang PNP, NBI, DILG, Kongreso at maging non-government organizations.

Kung public funds ang ginamit sa panunuhol,

dapat daw managot ang mga nasa likod nito sa ilalim ng Anti-Graft and Corrupt Practices Act.

Pero,

ano ba mang source ng pondo?

Hindi na raw ito maituturing na legitimate people's initiative, kundi pera-pera lang.

So, ito na ang concern ngayon ng mga iba't-ibang panig

including si Army Marcos, Esa Lagman, Coco Pimentel.

So, ayan, may mga kadidyes dyan, may mga kakamping dyan.

Lahat sila nag-express ng concern na baka i-re-railroad itong constitutional change

at ang mangyari dyan is gamitin yung mga pondo ng gobyerno.

Create a positive enticement.

Ito yung allegations.

Again, we are not confirming it.

I'm just saying, ito yung allegations na galing sa mga iba't-ibang kampo

who actually are not necessarily on the same page on almost every other issue.

So, kaya ang sinasabi natin mga kametod dito is, of course, may mga sabi ko nga,

may mga iba dyan natuwan-tuwa doon sa mga hidwan, sa ilalim ng unity,

o may mga nagpa-comment sa akin doon sa kinakain ni Digong.

O mamaya ko na nga yun, nag-aasaran na yata naman sila.

Pulvorik po yan, ano yun?

Ano yung, ano yun?

Pulvoron!

Kumakain ng pulvoron.

Mamaya na natin patulan yung kay tatay.

May bukas na lang, separate topic na itong pulvoron.

Balikan natin itong mga asaran niyan.

And of course, set up tayo isa pang R&R soon.

Marami tayong mga catch-up dito.

Well, I turned out correct.

Sabi ko nga, si BBM, he's gonna try to massage things down

dahil time is on his side.

So, he doesn't have, you know,

the incentive to push the nuclear bottom at this point in time.

But, pag-usapan natin pulvoron soon.

Siguradit, yung separate meta.

On that note, thank you very much mga minamahal natin,

mga followers on different platforms.

Of course, yung mga YouTubers natin,

kay YouTubers natin, mga kameta natin.

Unfortunately, dito sa,

mahina yung signal ko dito sa space kaya nawala siya bigla.

At of course, dito sa, ano rin, sa TikTok.

Yes, lahat yan.

Thank you so much dun sa mga followers natin.

Please continue to support us.

And, yeah, magbigay ka ng suggestion, et cetera.

As I said, you know, we were hoping to also transition

into doing something different,

more, a medyo more lifestyle travel plus society and culture.

So, you know, kung may mga technical advice kayo,

mga things, what is the affordable way,

mga gadgets ka, please also go ahead.

Thank you very much.

God bless and talk to you soon.

Tuloy-tuloy lang itong discussion na ito.

At least, I hope now you have an overall view

ng evolution ng positioning,

BBM sa issue ng Constitution,

Constitutional Change,

ano yung mga problematic circumstances

at mga angles ito sa tsa-tsa.

And now, interestingly, both DDS and Kakamping people,

both of them are very critical of this move.

And there's a fear that after 2025,

baka ma-railroad yung Constitutional Change

and with very troubling, troubling implications.

Again, we're totally good for,

I'm totally for fixing the problem,

but you never, never fix the problem

if the problem is the fixer.

Alright?

On that note, thank you very much, mga kameta.

Talk to you soon.

God bless and have a good evening.