A special interview with OCTA survey president, Prof. Ranjit Rye.

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the people like you, with academics like you

who inform and empower

through knowledge. And that's where

I think survey companies find

a niche. The more we

inform, the more empowered

people are. The better we do

our work with integrity,

with the best possible

methods being utilized, the more science

we bring into the thing,

the more the surveys

matter in the life

of our country. So this is something

we all have

to advocate as individuals, as members

of organizations like OCTA,

like UP.

So, you know,

it is what it is. We're in

interesting times, Richard.

For the first time in a long time,

we have factors running the show

that are outside of the country,

bigger than the

Romaldises, the Marcoses,

the parochialism,

the personalism

that pervades

our politics.

We have strong players

in the global arena.

The new Cold War. We're kind of the Berlin

of the 21st century, if I can put it that way.

Exactly. Yeah, yeah.

We're caught in the middle.

It's complex, diba?

It's extremely complex.

These are entities

that are driving the dynamics

at the domestic level. And for the first

time, we really experienced

what... And they're taking sides.

They're influencing.

And we have, as people,

to be conscious of this and

take charge. Take back

our politics

and play a more productive role

as far as democracy is concerned.

And that can only happen if we

inform, inform, inform, and empower

people. I believe in

an informed and

educated citizen

lead. And of course,

stronger institutions. But, you know,

it starts really with citizens.

And that's what OCTA is trying

to do, trying to be a part of.

That movement of truth-telling

and truth-sharing

hopefully will continue to do

our work

in the years to come.

Last one, I want to put myself

on the spot.

For me, I see populism.

I mean, what's Cosmoda? It's something like

it's an illiberal democratic response

to undemocratic

liberalism, right?

Yeah, I agree with you on that.

Right? This is not coming

out of nowhere. I think it's

partly a protest vote. It's partly a desperation

vote. It's partly also people trying

something different. It's ambivalence, right?

So you think Marcos win

or something like that?

Oh, absolutely. And also the appeal of

what I call disciplinary politics. You know,

this whole Singapore model thing,

right? So I think people

have to understand that our critique of populism

doesn't necessarily mean a full endorsement

of what came before it. I think the two

are connected. There is a causality there.

Therefore, Sigur, last point

here. Again, I don't want to put you on the spot because you're from

a survey agency, but you're also a political scientist.

What do you think is the challenge now for the

opposition? Because there's a lot of, I mean, there's

the Duterte-Marcos fights

and all of that. But, you know, as far as opposition

is concerned,

nasa na opposition, right? I mean...

That's the basic question. It's a more

simple question. Where's the opposition?

Somebody has obviously appropriated

being the opposition, but are

they really the opposition?

And

that's why the opposition has to be

wherever they are.

They have to be more mindful, a little more

self-conscious about this.

And the opposition

has, you know, it can't be

the opposition of the last

six years. It has to

be around the values and

programs of government at this point.

And

there are

significant

debates that have to be

engaged by all the groups.

Where the country is going?

Who is it going to align with?

What are its values

that have to be protected?

In the end, that is what will

define whoever is going to emerge

as the opposition.

Right now,

it doesn't seem clear

that there is a viable or even

legitimate opposition

in place.

And largely because

people have become quiet, people have become

parochial and personal, people have

began to accept

the current dispensation. But

there is a window.

I think you understand and I believe

also that there is a space

for progressive politics to emerge.

And it really has to start

along, it has to be

disciplined by values, by

programs, by

eventually by an ideology.

I know I'm being idealistic here,

but once our politics begins

to be disciplined by ideas, platform

and program, then

we can conceive of alternatives.

And organization. You need

organization.

Yeah, of course.

You need legwork.

But do you believe that

possibly, it's very possible, this administration

might become more yellow than

it ought to be, right?

It's turning out to become

it's kind of an irony of sorts.

That's a Tiglau theory, right?

Like this is Aquino 2.0

or something like that.

That's what's happening now.

If the president's

wise,

okay,

that's

the argument.

He has to run a platform

that's a counter-argument

to the Duterte argument,

which is pretty

clear, although it's not very

sophisticated.

And it has to go

back to values.

And I guess this is what was wrong

with the campaign of Lenny

before. It just totally

negated that whole historical

past of being yellow

and all that it stood for.

And watered it down

with pink,

which in the end appropriated what was

yellow in the first place.

What am I trying to say here?

The opposition has to go back to the roots,

to the radics. It has to go

back to the values it's been fighting

for, that history. But reinvented

for the 21st century.

It can't be the same

opposition of

2016.

And it's not

a hopeless case for them because the current

administration is looking for allies.

And the current administration might

actually, if they're wise,

appropriate.

Realignments.

Yeah, realignments. For convenience,

yeah, okay. But the thing is,

that's what politics is all about in some

level, the art of the possible.

And I think there's a space

for the possibility of this

administration aligning with the yellows.

With the dilawas.

And how do you see,

in a way, success of people like

Riza Ontiveros, very much progressed,

very much.

Very much attached to more left than

liberal, right?

Back to back. She made it

in a very, very tough race. I mean, the

Senate race, the only one.

I mean, do you think that the Riza

precedence kind of

tells us the way forward for the

opposition also?

Or is it that's the way it generates?

Or is it the Riza?

Yeah, but I think

to a great extent, it's the distinct

style of Riza and how she captured.

But I don't know.

If we can recreate Riza

in particular. But what we do

know is that we have

the Dutertes arguing

a particular worldview, a particular

set of values,

a particular style of governance,

which apparently

this administration can

counter by, again, presenting

a counter-argument. And that counter-argument

would require them to align

with the progressives

from the left,

from

people like Riza on

Tiberos and the so-called

Dilawans. I think

there's a genuine opportunity

because of the situation

where, the unique situation where

we have to deal with superpowers

playing, you know, a puppet master

here, that

the progressives and the administration

might find it

convenient to help each other

in the 2025 elections.

These are numbers

are showing that

that might be formidable.

And people will see the counter-argument

there.

You know,

that counter has been made stark

to our electorate.

Sino yung pro-China? Sino yung anti-China?

Sino yung pro-WPS?

Sino yung anti?

Sino yung makatao?

Maka-Diyos? Maka-Bayan?

Sino yung pro-human rights?

Sino yung anti? These things can be

made clear.

It can only find its

legitimacy if the administration

aligns with truly progressive forces

who have a history of

advocating these values.

And I think there's an opportunity for that

in the 2025 election.

If the administration is wise, they're not gonna

go with their regular slate.

They're gonna be including

people who will

shock us, no?

But then again, if...

I'm not sure we're gonna be shocked. I mean, this is Philippines.

Alam naman.

But you know,

if the progressives

are wise, they'll

take up the opportunity,

the tactical alliance, because

it would mean preventing certain forces

from coming into power again.

On that note, thank you very much

to Professor Ranjit Rai of UP

Department of Political Science, and of course

the President. I mean, the President

of the OCTA Research

Group, which has been doing very, very

well. I'm very glad that we had

I mean, one hour, parang wala lang yung

one hour sa atin.

But I'm very proud of you,

Richard, as my student doing this

show, no? And I also want to let the

people know, these are my personal

opinions, not opinions of OCTA or

the university I belong to.

And I'm very happy that

you invited me in the show. Hopefully

we'll have more banter

and discussion in the future.

Yes, I hope this is a good warm-up, so

expecting that hopefully we'll have

more of you gracing our little

show here to discuss next big surveys.

Kasi, nga, I think people,

most appetites has been wedded by

yung idea na, who knows, maybe the next

survey ganito, ganyan. So the trend lines

are very important to make a proper

political analysis. Maraming salamat, Professor,

and have a good day. I know you're very busy.

You're getting texts and all of that. I'm sure maraming

talaga tayo. Thanks

for inviting me, and good luck with your show.

God bless, and talk to you soon, sir.